This Week's Flagship Article
America's Guns Are Running Low — and Trump Just Opened Another Front | Inside Stories
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Two stories. One overstretched superpower.
America's Guns Are Running Low — and the War Has Barely Started
The Iran war is burning through US weapons stockpiles at a rate that has alarmed senators, experts, and allies. The Pentagon says everything is fine. The numbers say otherwise.
Eight days into Operation Epic Fury, the US military has already fired over 2,000 munitions at nearly 2,000 Iranian targets. Iran has retaliated with more than 500 ballistic missiles and 2,000 drones since February 28 — forcing US and allied air defense systems to work overtime around the clock. The bill, in hardware terms, is becoming difficult to ignore.
The most stressed category is interceptor missiles — the Patriot, THAAD, and SM-3 systems used to shoot down incoming Iranian projectiles. These are not cheap bullets. Each interceptor costs millions of dollars and takes months, sometimes years, to manufacture. A sobering detail emerged from 2025: the US fired a quarter of its entire THAAD stockpile in just a few days of earlier operations against Iran. That inventory has not been fully replenished. Now a full war is consuming what remains at a rapid pace.
At least one Gulf ally was already requesting emergency interceptor resupply from Washington within the war's first four days, with sources describing the tone as "not panic yet, but the sooner they get here the better." The UAE publicly denied running short — which is exactly what a country running short would say. Trump, meanwhile, called US supplies "virtually unlimited" on Truth Social and told reporters the stockpile was "extremely strong." Defense Secretary Hegseth echoed that publicly, while privately the Pentagon has invoked the Defense Production Act to compel defense contractors to quadruple production. You don't quadruple production of something you have plenty of.
Senate Democrats are asking the question nobody in the Pentagon wants answered in public. Senator Mark Warner put it plainly: "Our munitions are low. That's public knowledge." Senator Blumenthal noted the contradiction — for years Washington told Ukraine it could not send more Patriots because stockpiles were already strained. Now the US is fighting a full-scale war with those same strained stockpiles. Meanwhile, experts at CSIS warn that a high-intensity US conflict could deplete certain key munitions within 25 days. The Iran war is now projected to last four to five weeks — by Trump's own estimate.
The real concern is not just Iran. The more Tomahawks, bunker busters, and THAAD missiles the US burns here, the less it has available to deter China over Taiwan or respond in any future Korea scenario. That is a strategic equation that will define American foreign policy long after the last Iranian drone has been shot down.
This is a problem made by three successive US administrations who gambled that they would never need to fight a real war. Ukraine drained stockpiles. Yemen drained stockpiles. Now Iran is draining what is left. The Pentagon's reassurances are the correct political posture — you never tell your enemy you are running low. But the scramble to invoke emergency production orders and quietly ask allies for interceptors tells a different story. The real strategic winner here is not the US and it is not Iran. It is China, sitting back and watching America spend down its Pacific deterrence reserves in a Middle East war. Beijing will have noted every THAAD missile fired. Every Tomahawk expended. Every Patriot battery repositioned. When the US next needs to project strength in the Pacific, the math will have changed.
Shield of the Americas — Trump's New Coalition, Assembled at His Own Golf Club
Trump launched a 17-nation anti-cartel military alliance from Trump National Doral, Miami. Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia — the three biggest powers in the hemisphere — were not there.
With one war raging in the Middle East and weapons factories running at emergency speed, President Trump flew to Miami on Saturday to open a second front — this one against drug cartels. At his own golf resort, Trump National Doral, he convened the inaugural Shield of the Americas Summit and announced the formation of America's Counter Cartel Coalition, a 17-nation agreement pledging to use military force to eradicate cartels and narcoterrorist networks across the Western Hemisphere.
"The only way to defeat these enemies is by unleashing the power of our militaries," Trump told assembled leaders. "We have to use our military. You have to use your military." He framed it explicitly along the lines of the ISIS coalition — comparing Latin American cartels to an armed terrorist movement requiring a military, not a law enforcement, response. Defense Secretary Hegseth added that the US was "prepared to go on the offence alone, if necessary."
The nations that showed up: Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guyana, Honduras, Panama, Paraguay, and Trinidad and Tobago. Notable for who was absent: Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia — the three largest and most strategically significant countries in Latin America, and the three most central to any real anti-narcotics strategy in the region. Without them, analysts are asking whether this coalition can actually deliver results or whether it is primarily a display of US hemispheric dominance dressed as a drug war.
The broader context matters. Trump has simultaneously been cutting foreign assistance to the region while pushing tariffs and aggressive deportation policies that are deeply unpopular across Latin America. The US military has already conducted 44 aerial strikes on drug vessels in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific, resulting in approximately 150 deaths. The coalition also carries an unmistakable subtext: pushing back on China's growing economic and diplomatic footprint across the Americas — from Belt and Road investments in Panama to Venezuelan oil exports to Beijing.
The idea of a coordinated hemispheric approach to cartels is not inherently wrong — these networks have become transnational military-grade organisations that individual governments genuinely cannot handle alone. The problem is execution and credibility. Holding this summit at Trump's personal golf resort is an optics disaster that undercuts the seriousness of the enterprise before a word is spoken. And a coalition that excludes Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia is a coalition that excludes the countries where most of the cartel infrastructure actually operates. What Trump has built here looks more like a club of conservative Latin American governments willing to align with Washington than a genuine operational counter-narcotics architecture. Whether it becomes something real depends on whether the absent powers eventually join — or whether this remains a press conference with flags.
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